In Londonderry, the other major city in the province, the response to Mr. Sands death was generally more peaceful, as several hundred people poured out of their houses to take part in a 15-minute silent prayer service.
Even in Belfast, as dawn broke over the tense city, there was still no widespread pattern of violence, and most of the streets were quiet. There were no reports of serious injuries either among the demonstators or the security forces.
In the expectation of disruptions after Mr. Sands's death, there have been heavy police and army patrols on the streets for several days.
Humphrey Atkins, the British Cabinet minister responsible for Northern Ireland, said this morning: ''I regret this needless and senseless death. Too many have died in Northern Ireland. In this case it was self-inflicted.'' Mr. Atkins also said, ''We should not forget the many others who have died.'' Since the late 1960's, when the present phase of violence in Northern Ireland's ancient sectarian dispute began, more than 2,000 people have died in what the Irish call ''the troubles.''
Mr. Atkins has been keeping long hours as Mr. Sands's death neared, conferring with security advisers and, presumably, with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who has dictated the unyielding posture that the Government has taken with Mr. Sands and three other I.R.A. hunger strikers.
Before he lost consciousness Sunday, the 27-year-old Mr. Sands had been drinking water. The fact that he was no longer drinking hastened his death.
Prison authorities could presumably have force-fed Mr. Sands since he could no longer resist, but in 1974 the British Government instituted a policy of not force-feeding prisoners who go on hunger strikes.
Anticipating outbreaks of violence, the police barred vehicular traffic from some Catholic neighborhoods of Belfast. Four-man patrols of soldiers wearing battle fatigues and carrying automatic weapons picked their way gingerly through littered streets, the last man usually covering the rear.
There were taunts of ''Brits out!'' from the windows of the brick row houses, and occasional bottles or firebombs were thrown at the armored vehicles.
But in general the level of violence was normal, or less than normal, by the standards of Northern Ireland. After two boys, aged 12 and 13, were arrested for throwing rocks at police cars in a Catholic neighborhood, the police appealed to parents to keep teen-agers at home, and apparently many of them did.
Mr. Sands was elected to Parliament a month ago in a by-election called to fill a vacancy caused by death. But he was not permitted to leave prison to take his seat.
In a statement last night, the political wing of the I.R.A. said that ''the British now prepare for the murder of the elected representative of the people of Fermanagh and South Tyrone.'' Right to Wear Civilian Clothes
The statement reiterated the demand that Mr. Sands had made that he and the other Irish nationalists jailed on terrorism charges be granted political status, since they view themselves as soldiers in a war of independence, not criminals. They want the rights to wear civilian clothing and to be excused from routine prison work.
''To accept the status of criminal would be to degrade myself and to admit that the cause I believe in and cherish is wrong,'' Mr. Sands once explained, in an article that the I.R.A. has been recirculating during his hunger strike.
But Prime Minister Thatcher's Government insists that ''there can be no compromise with murder and terrorism,'' as she put it recently. Mr. Sands, who was serving a 14-year sentence for the possession of firearms, began his fast on March 1 and was joined in it in subsequent weeks by three other Irish nationalist prisoners.
Mr. Sands joined the Republican movement as a teen-ager in the early 1970's after an outbreak of secctarian violence forced his family to move from a Protestant neighborhood into a Roman Catholic one.
''I had seen too many homes wrecked, fathers and sons arrested, neighbors hurt, friends murdered, too much gas, shooting and blood,'' Mr. Sands said, explaining his decision to join the I.R.A. ---- State Dept. Expresses Regret
In a statement issued in Washington last night, the State Department said that it deeply regretted the death of Robert Sands. In New York, Governor Carey and Mayor Koch criticized the British Government but said they opposed any violence in reaction to the death.
''We deeply regret Mr. Sands's death,'' a State Department spokesman said. ''We hope that the hunger strike by three other inmates at the Maze Prison will not end in the same tragic fashion.''
Governor Carey accused the British Government of ''intransigence'' on the issue of the political status of imprisoned members of the Irish Republican Army, adding: ''I deeply regret that the British Government has let Bobby Sands bring his hunger strike to its bitter conclusion.''
But he and Mayor Koch said they were opposed to violence. ''It is my fervent hope that the death of Bobby Sands will not lead to further bloodshed,'' the Mayor said in his statement. That plea was joined by Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts. ''At this time of heightened tension, I urge all sides in Northern Ireland to resist calls for further violence,'' he said.
Immediately after Mr. Sands's death was announced, a small group of placard-carrying demonstrators gathered in front of the British Consulate on Third Avenue between 51st and 52nd Streets, vowing to stay through the night.
''He's a free man now,'' Veronica Pugh, a Bronx resident, said of Mr. Sands. ''He beat the Brits.''Continue reading the main story
We are now at a key moment in the decade of centenaries that will commemorate Ireland’s difficult, contentious and protracted struggle for independence. While a huge amount of attention has been, and will be, given to commemorating and reflecting upon the centenary of the Easter Rising, 2016 also marks 35 years since the 1981 Long Kesh/Maze hunger strike.
During the 1981 strike, 10 republican prisoners in the Long Kesh/Maze prison starved themselves to death in an effort to increase pressure on British politicians to return their “special category” status. This strike was preceded by another hunger strike in 1980, during which seven men started the fast for the same cause, with dozens joining them by the strike’s conclusion. In fact, it was 35 years ago today that these seven men – chosen to echo the seven signatures on the 1916 Proclamation of the Republic – began their strike.
In December 1980, three women from Armagh Women’s Prison joined them in their fast. All the strikes, but the 1981 Long Kesh/Maze strike in particular, generated an unprecedented amount of attention, at the time and subsequently, from the public, journalists, politicians, artists and academics alike.
Over the course of the next year, The Irish Times online will be publishing a series of articles by established and upcoming academics, exploring the strikes and their legacies from a huge range of perspectives, as well as republishing articles from its own archive and looking back from today’s standpoint with the intention of shedding new light on a seminal event in recent Irish history and familiarising a younger generation with this complex and contested episode.
In 1976, the British government removed special category status for prisoners convicted of Troubles-related offences. Since July 1972, special category prisoners had additional privileges due to their status as “political detainees”: effectively, political prisoners. Yet after March 1st, 1976, those convicted of paramilitary-related activities became ordinary prisoners, a policy referred to by paramilitary groups as “criminalisation”. The loss of personal clothes, which were replaced with standard issue uniforms, caused the most unrest. In September 1976, republican paramilitary prisoners, members of the Provisional IRA and Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), refused to wear this uniform and only wore the prison-issued blanket. This action caused guards to confine prisoners to their cells for 23 hours a day. Thus, the blanket protest began.
In March 1978, the prison protests escalated to the “no wash”, or dirty protest, which saw prisoners refusing to wash or “slop out” their chamber pots. In addition, prisoners began to smear their excreta on their cell walls in an effort to break down the rancid smell.
In a final escalation of the prison protests, seven prisoners began a hunger strike on October 27th, 1980. They made five demands: one, the right not to wear prison uniforms; two, the right not to do prison work; three, the right to associate freely with other prisoners; four, the right to a weekly visit, letter and parcel; and five, the right to organise educational and recreational pursuits.
On December 18th, 1980 the hunger strikers ended their first protest when strike leader Brendan Hughes called off the strike as Sean McKenna grew close to death, believing the British government had conceded on several demands. When the prisoners realised all five demands were not being met, they began to organise a second hunger strike.
A second hunger strike, led by Bobby Sands, began on March 1st, 1981 to mark the five-year anniversary of the removal of special category status. This strike lasted eight months, ending on October 3rd with dozens of prisoners striking and the deaths of 10 men. A battle also raged outside the prison, with 61 murders during this period, 34 of them civilians. As with the introduction of the internment without trial policy in 1971 and Bloody Sunday in 1972, Provisional IRA recruitment soared. Furthermore, Bobby Sands’ electionas MP for Fermanagh-South Tyrone delivered an electoral boost for the republican movement. However, the British media painted the end of the strike as a win for Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.
It was this second strike, and Bobby Sands especially, that caught the public’s imagination. The 1981 strike has inspired a huge range of artistic responses, from murals across Belfast and Derry, Peter Sheridan’s play Diary of a Hunger Strike (1982) and Steve McQueen’s film Hunger (2007). The body of the hunger striker resurfaces in contemporary Irish literature in strange and haunting ways that are not always immediately apparent, from Eoin McNamee’s Resurrection Man (1994), Anna Burns’ No Bones (2001) and Colum McCann’s novella Hunger Strike, from his collection Everything in this Country Must (2000).
These strikes had an international impact too, from petitions in Denmark, France and the US to a street in Tehran being named after Bobby Sands and a mural in commemoration of the hunger strikers in Cuba.
But how has our understanding of these strikes changed over the course of the past 35 years? What has recent scholarship unearthed about the impact of these strikes on the contemporary political environment in Ireland and Britain? What impact have these artistic depictions of the strikes had on our memory of them? Is it time to reassess the legacy of the Armagh women prisoners’ strike? In addition to publishing these articles here on the Irish Times, our project, funded by the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust, of exploring the complex effects and afterlife of these strikes will also involve a symposium, where a group of academics and artists will come together to share their work. This will be held on June 27th, 2016, hosted by the University of Notre Dame's Global Gateway Campus in London and more information will follow in due course. Over the coming months, we shall publish articles from practitioners and academics working across the fields of political, religious, medical and art history and literary, theatre and cultural studies discussing how our perception of the strikes has changed, and how we, as a society, remember the events of 1980 and 1981.
Click here to book a place at the symposium:
Rethinking the Hunger Strikes: a list of contributors to next year's symposium and their proposed topics
The 1981 Hunger Strike and the Irish Catholic Church
Maggie Scull (King’s College London, History)
Negotiating the 1981 Hunger Strike
Niall Ó Dochartaigh (NUI Galway, Political Science)
An Archaeology of Long Kesh/Maze
Laura McAtackney (Århus University, Archaeology)
Hunger Striking and Medical Ethics during the Troubles
Ian Miller (University of Ulster, History of Medicine)
‘The Hunger Strike Terrorists’: The British Press and the 1980/81 Hunger Strikes
Roseanna Doughty (Edinburgh University, History)
The Prison Memory Archive
Cahal McLaughlin (Queen’s University Belfast, Film studies)
Representing Hunger: Silence and History
Stephanie Lehner (Queen’s University Belfast, Cultural studies)
Bobby Sands and Chile: Carmen Berenger’s ‘Bobby Sands desfallece en el muro’
Bárbara Fernandez (Edinburgh University, Chilean Literature)
Did the Republican hunger strikers commit suicide?
Maria Power (University of Liverpool, History)
The Hunger Strike Murals
Edwin Coomasaru (Courtauld Institute London, History of Art)
Republic of Ireland Government and 1981 Hunger Strike
Shaun McDaid (Huddersfield University, Political History)
Labour Party and the 1981 Hunger Strikes
David Shaw (University of Liverpool, Political History)
Photographing the Hunger Strikes
Erika Hanna (Bristol University, History)
Queering the Hunger Striker plays
Cormac O’Brien (UCD, Theatre Studies)
Mediating the Memory of the Prison Protests and Hunger Strikes
Emilie Pine (UCD, Cultural Studies)
The Intelligence War and the Hunger Strikes
Thomas Leahy (King’s College London, Political History)
The Final Step?: The IRA and the 1980 Hunger Strike
F Stuart Ross (Queen’s University Belfast, Political History)
Republican Women and Hunger Striking
Maria Power (University of Liverpool, History)
The Future of the Long Kesh/Maze: Conflicting Interests in Arguing the Past
MK Flynn (Bard College, USA, Politics)
Prison paraphernalia at the Irish Republican History Museum
Katie Markman (Leeds University, History)
Gerry Adams in Long Kesh/Maze: History and Politics
Tommy Dolan (Edinburgh University, Political History)
Redeveloping the H-Blocks
George Legg (King’s College London, Cultural Studies)
Bodies as quotations of history: literature and the hunger strike
Alison Garden, (UCD, Contemporary Literature)
The Provisional Republican movement: 1916, 1981 and complex legacies
Stephen Hopkins (Leicester University, Political History)
Click here to book a place at the symposium: